But how does this education happen? What are the origins of taste? Mothers commonly doubted children's ability to accurately report when they are “full” and disliked messages encouraging mothers to allow children to “decide” whether and how much to eat.This study generated 7 audience-tested messages for incorporation into nutrition education interventions targeting low-income mothers of preschool-age children.We do not come into the world with an innate sense of taste and nutrition as omnivores, we have to learn how and what to eat, how sweet is too sweet, and what food will give us the most energy for the coming day. Mothers preferred messages that emphasized their role as a teacher and noted benefits such as their children becoming more independent and learning new skills. To develop and test nutrition messages and supporting content with low-income mothers for use with theory-based interventions addressing fruit and vegetable consumption and child-feeding practices.Six formative and 6 evaluative focus groups explored message concepts and tested messages, respectively.Research facilities in Maryland, Texas, California, Florida, North Carolina, New York, Alabama, and Illinois.Ninety-five low-income mothers of 2- to 5-year-old children over half from households participating in a federal nutrition assistance program.Preference for and comprehension of nutrition messages.Qualitative data analysis procedures to generate common themes from transcripts and observers' notes.Messages on role modeling, cooking and eating together, having patience when introducing new food items, and allowing children to serve themselves were well received. As a point of departure we explore some of the subjugated knowledges that can be brought to the table of food pedagogies in schools in order to bring about a broader assemblage of food ‘truths’. After discussing the results we consider some of the consequences for young peoples’ sense of self and their relationships with food in every day life, particularly in light of the perilous effects of deeming food as ‘good’/‘bad’ from such a young age. We argue that because of the perceived risk attached to food practices, these young people see food as an object of guilt and a reason for self-surveillance. This suggests that other meanings of food are often socially and pedagogically marginalised. Not surprisingly, the analysis demonstrates how students reiterated food as a practice of ‘temptation’ and ‘risk’, similar to nutrition-based knowledge of food circulated in popular culture and health programmes. We draw on interviews with 32 Year five students from Australian public and private primary schools. In this study, we use Foucault’s notion of biopower to trace the various ways food is governed through interventions pedagogised by popular culture and, taken up in school policies and practices. Whilst these dominant medico-scientific discourses are pervasive in accounts of food, they are not the only meanings that permeate the popular cultural and pedagogical landscape for instance, there has been a burgeoning interest in culinary cooking programmes and food sustainability in recent years. We challenge the orthodoxy of meanings afforded to food that draw a distinct binary between ‘good’/‘bad’ or ‘healthy’/‘unhealthy’ ideas widely promulgated in health texts, popular culture and pedagogical practice. In this study we interrogate the ways nutrition and health have become increasingly influential to children’s everyday life practices and conceptualisations of food.
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